From gars@speakeasy.org Tue Jan 20 20:54:37 2004 Date: Tue, 13 Jan 2004 15:37:16 -0800 From: Gary Night Owl To: Internet Recipients of Wotanging Ikche Subject: Wotanging Ikche--nanews12.003 _ __ _____ __ _ __ ___ ____ _ __ ___ ' ) / / ') / / ) ' ) ) / ) / ' ) ) / ) / / / / / / /--/ / / / ___ / / / / ___ (_(_/ (__/ ( / (_ / (_ (___/ '__/_ / (_ (___/ ' ____ _ , ___ _ , ___ / ' ) / / ) ' ) / / ' VOLUME 12, ISSUE 003 / /-< / /--/ /-- __/_ / ) (___/ / ( (___, WOTANGING IKCHE - Lakota - Common News Wotanging Ikche and Native American News Copyright c. 1996-2003 nanews.org Aboriginal/AmerIndian Perspective about the First Nations of Turtle Island January 17, 2004 Potawatomi mkokisis/moon of the bear Mvskogee rv'fo cusee/moon of winter's younger brother +-------------------------------------------------------+ | Much more happens in Indian Country than is reported | | in this weekly newsletter. For daily updates & events | | go to http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm | +-------------------------------------------------------+ Otapi'sin Atsinikiisinaakssin -- Blackfeet -- News for All the People Ni-mah-mi-kwa-zoo-min -- Ojibwe -- We Are Talking About Ourselves Aunchemokauhettittea -- Naragansett -- Let Us Share News Kanoheda Aniyvwiya -- Cherokee -- Journal of the People O Es'te Opunvk'vmucvse -- Creek -- People's New News O o O Acimowin -- Plains Cree -- Story or Account O o O Tlaixmatiliztli -- Nahuatl -- News O o o o o O Agnutmaqan -- Listuguj Mi'kmaq -- News O o O Sho-da-ku-ye -- Teehahnahmah -- Talking Birchbark O o O Un Chota -- Susquehannic Seneca -- The People Speak O Ha-Sah-Sliltha -- Ditidaht Nation -- News of the People Ximopanolti tehuatzin, inin Mexika tlahtolli -- Nahuatl -- For you we offer these words It-hah-pe-hah Ah-num pah-le -- Chickasaw -- Together We Are Talking Dineh jii' adah' ho'nil'e'gii ba' ha' neh -- Navajo Nation -- What's Happening among The People News Okla Humma Holisso Nowat Anya -- Choctaw -- People(s) Red Newspaper Hi'a chu ah gaa -- Pima -- The stories or the talk of the People Native American News -- Language of the Occupation Forces ++>If you speak a Native American language not listed above, please send us your words for "News of the People." We'd rather take up this whole page saving these few words of our hundreds of nations than present a nice clean banner in the language of the occupation forces who came here determined to replace our words with their own. email gars@nanews.org with the equivalent of "News of the People" in your tribal language along with the english translation <================<<<< >>>>================> This newsletter is produced in straight ASCII text for greatest portability across platforms. Read it with a fixed-pitch font, such as Courier, Monaco, FixedSys or CG Times. Proportional fonts will be difficult to read. <================<<<< >>>>================> This issue contains articles from www.owlstar.com; www.indianz.com; www.pechanga.net; Chiapas95-english and ndn-aim Mailing Lists; Newsgroup: alt.native; UUCP email IMPORTANT!! ----------- In accordance with Title 17 U.S.C. section 107, all material appearing in this newsletter is distributed without profit to those who have expressed a prior interest in receiving this information for educational purposes. <================<<<< >>>>================> This newsletter is a way of keeping the brothers and sisters who share our Spirit informed about current events within the lives of those who walk the Red Road. ++ It may be subscribed to via email by sending a request from your own internet addressable account to gars@speakeasy.org ++ It is archived at http://www.nanews.org <================<<<< >>>>================> +-- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --+ + -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- + | As historian Patricia Nelson | | Once a language is lost, it is | | Limerick summarized in "The | | gone forever | | Legacy of Conquest: The Unbroken | | * Of the 300 original Native | | Past of the American West... | | languages in North America, | | "Set the blood quantum at | | only 175 exist today. | | one-quarter, hold to it as a | | * 125 of these are no longer | | rigid definition of Indians, | | learned by children. | | let intermarriage proceed as | | * 55 are spoken by 1 to 6 elders;| | it had for centuries, and | | when they die, their language | | eventually Indians will be | | will disappear. | | defined out of existence." | | * Without action, only 20 | | "When that happens, the federal | | languages will survive the next| | government will be freed of | | 50 years. | | its persistent 'Indian problem.'"| | Source: Indigenous Language | +-- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --+ | Institute | |http://www.indigenous-language.org| This issue's Elder Quote: + -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- + ======================== "Each man is good in the sight of the Great Spirit." "It is not necessary for eagles to be crows." __ Chief Sitting Bull, Hunkpapa Lakota +- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -+ | Indian Pledge of Allegiance | The Indian Pledge of Alleg- | | iance was first presented | I pledge allegiance to my Tribe,| on 2 December '93 during the | to the democratic principles | opening address of the Nat- | of the Republic | ional Congress of American | and to the individual freedoms | Indian Tribal-States Relat- | borrowed from the Iroquois and | ions Panel in Reno, NV. NCAI | Choctaw Confederacies, | plans distribution of the | as incorporated in the United | Indian Pledge to all Indian | States Constitution, | Nations. | so that my forefathers | | shall not have died in vain | Walk in Beauty! Night Owl +- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -+ +- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -+ | Journey | In the summer and early fall | The Bloodline | of 1998 the Treaty Unity Riders | | rode a thousand miles on horse- | For all that live and live by law | back, carrying a staff and | We Stand, we Call, We Ride | praying each step of the way. | For All that fear and fear by sight | | We Hear, we Listen, we Ride | These prayers were offered for | For all that pray and pray by strength| each of us, and that the Unity | We Feel, we Move, we Ride | of all Peoples might happen. | For all that die and die by greed | | We Hurt, we Cry, we Ride | Tatanka Cante forwarded this | For all that birth and birth by right | poem on behalf of all the Unity | We Smile, we Hold, we Ride | Riders that we might stop and | For all that need and need by heart | ask if the next words we say, the | We Came, we Went, we Rode. | next act we make is for the good | | of the People or is it from ego | Treaty Unity Riders | for self. +- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -+ O'siyo Brothers and Sisters! There are actually two good things to draw your attention to this issue. -- Item one - Newly elected Prime Minister Paul Martin made a strong symbolic statement when he had an aboriginal presence at his acceptance. He has now followed that with a strong commitment. He killed Nault's hated Governance Act. Instead, Martin will work on social issues, such as improving squalid housing conditions, a new clean-water strategy for reserves and the need for more higher education cash. Read it all in "Martin to scrap Governance Bill" -- Item two - A book has been released with REAL, practical and traditional health information for Native Women! http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.aberdeennews.com/mld/aberdeennews/news/7661395.htm Book offers information for American Indian women Associated Press January 8, 2004 VERMILLION, S.D. - American Indian women can find answers to health questions in a new book put out by the Native American Women's Health Education Resource Center in Lake Andes. It worked three years to compile "Indigenous Women's Health Book - Within The Sacred Circle." The book includes information on environmental health, traditional herbs and remedies, biodiversity, domestic violence and other topics. Copyright c. 2004 Aberdeen News. -- From the Native American Women's Health Education Resource Center... The Native American Women's Health Education Resource Center has released a new book, Indigenous Women's Health Book, Within the Sacred Circle, in a landmark effort to assist Native American women in developing self-advocacy skills to become active participants in managing our own health. Indigenous Women's Health Book, Within the Sacred Circle provides guidance in both Western and Indigenous health approaches to specifically address Native American women's health needs. Topics covered range from traditional midwifery, pregnancy, the politics of reproductive health, contraception, domestic violence, barriers to Indigenous women's healthcare, health effects of environmental contamination, traditional herbs and remedies, Native American nutrition and weight loss, smoking, alcohol, drug abuse, and much more. Written by a group of compassionate Indigenous women, activists, health experts, and healthcare providers, this pioneering book discusses both physical and mental health issues from a variety of perspectives... For more information call (605) 487-7072 or visit us at www.nativeshop.org ---- On a sad note for those left behind, Pine Ridge witnessed the passing of two traditional elders within a day of each other. We send prayers and smoke for Grandmother Lydia Ice and Grandfather David Swallow Sr. on their Spirit journeys. We grieve with the Swallow, Black Elk and Ice families. Dohiyi Ani Oginalii , , Gary Smith Night Owl (*,*) gars@speakeasy.org P. O. Box 672168 (`-') gars@nanews.org Marietta, GA 30008, U.S.A. ===w=w=== http://www.nanews.org ----------- News of the people featured in this issue ---------- - Western Shoshone divided - Akaka Bill could face revision over Land Dispute - Logging rights fight heats up - History leaves Tribes - Chretien can be Subpoenaed in Transition - Martin to scrap Governance Bill - Bear Butte Shooting Range - Mohawks claiming 9/11 Abandoned Health Fallout - Legislators want name - Zapatistas, w/o Marcos, restored to Squaw Peak Trying Peaceful Approach - Shakopee Dakota, - Indians in Bolivia a Culture of Sharing hope to create Tribal Nation - Violent takeover - Tribal youth found Dead in Snow at Kiowa Headquarters alleged - Former BIA Employee - Appeals seek to protect resentenced for Fatal DWI Old Chief Joseph's Grave - Peltier on Janklow conviction - Tribal Wind Power plans - Peltier: - Giago to join race for Senate Genocide of Native Americans - GONZALES: - Update from the Upstanding Native American Women John Graham Defense Committee - YELLOW BIRD: `Dreamkeepers' - Yukoners rally around John Graham new era in NA Films - Native Prisoner - GIAGO: -- Inmates seeking Pen Pals Gambling erodes Tibal Svereignty - Rustywire: Hard Rocks - OPINION: Return of Sealth's Home - Verse: Hawaiian Book of Days hopeful Sign - Poem: Raindancers standing Still - CNN's Novak calls Indians - Book Review: In Dull Knife's Wake Election Thieves - Upcoming Events --------- "RE: Western Shoshone divided over Land Dispute" --------- Date: Wed, 7 Jan 2004 08:17:26 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="WESTERN SHOSHONE" http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.macon.com/mld/macon/news/nation/7652121.htm Western Shoshone tribes divided over land dispute with government BY JUDITH GRAHAM Chicago Tribune January 7, 2004 CRESCENT VALLEY, Nev. - (KRT) - Two elderly Indian sisters haul hay, mend fences and round up cattle at their ranch in this remote Nevada valley. Between chores, they spearhead one of the most controversial land battles in the West. It's a conflict that has pitted Western Shoshone Indians against the federal government for decades and deeply divided Western Shoshone tribes along the way. "This is one of the headline struggles that raises the question, `Is there going to be justice for Indians in our time?'" said Vine Deloria Jr., one of the nation's leading American Indian scholars. At its center are Mary and Carrie Dann, obstinate and blunt women whose deeply lined faces and callused hands speak of a life of hard work on this arid, high desert. Many people consider the sisters modern Indian heroes. Others consider them fanatics out of touch with reality. The Danns are one of the forces behind a federal lawsuit filed last fall seeking recognition of the Western Shoshone's title to ancestral lands, including two-thirds of Nevada and some of the richest gold mines in the United States. Several Western Shoshone tribes support the suit. The government is preparing its response, due this month. "This land is ours; it's Western Shoshone land," said Carrie Dann on a recent morning in the sisters' run-down house, which is heated by a wood stove and surrounded by old pickup trucks and rusty farm equipment. Government officials disagree, arguing that the Western Shoshones lost most of their territory during the settlement of the West and were awarded just compensation - now exceeding $140 million - from the federal Indian Claims Commission. But for more than 20 years, the Western Shoshones have refused to take the money, in a protest against the Indian Claims Commission process and findings. The settlement sits in a government bank account accumulating interest. Now, a bill sponsored by Nevada's congressional delegation, passed by the U.S. Senate and awaiting action in the House, would mandate distribution of the funds to the Western Shoshone. And arguments over whether to accept the settlement or continue fighting for the land are raging again in this swath of Indian country, reviving old disagreements and never-healed wounds. "Our tribe has decided we want our money" said Diana Buckner, chairwoman of the Ely Shoshone tribe, speaking for one group of tribal members. "It's time. We're never going to get the land. Let's get what we can for our older folks." Never, the Danns and their supporters respond. If the tribe forsakes hope and accepts the money, they say, the tribe will be acting as if it sold the land. And if the tribe gives up its land, the culture and way of life will disappear. Historically, the Western Shoshone were not a united people with one chief who led all the tribes. Instead, they were a diverse set of extended family groups that stretched from Utah's Salt Lake Valley across most of eastern and central Nevada and down through Death Valley and California's Mojave Desert. Even today, Western Shoshones are dispersed among various tribes and communities in Nevada including the Duckwater, South Fork and Yomba reservations, and in Indian colonies in Battle Mountain, Elko, Ely, Wells and Winnemucca, among other towns. Because of their diversity, getting the Western Shoshones, currently numbering about 6,500, to agree on anything is difficult. Disputes over who has authority to represent the tribes, still common today, date back to the 1863 federal Treaty of Ruby Valley, which gives settlers permission to build railroads and telegraphs across their territory, mine the land, establish communities, and travel without interference. The Western Shoshones who signed the treaty were a small group that didn't represent the entire people, some tribal leaders insist. Moreover, the Ruby Valley treaty says nothing about giving up the land. On the contrary, it explicitly recognizes the boundaries of the country claimed by the Western Shoshone, according to Thomas Luebben, an Albuquerque lawyer who represents the Yomba Reservation. But that's not how the Indian Claims Commission saw it when that federally appointed body began meeting after World War II. The Western Shoshones had lost title to their lands "by gradual encroachment by whites, settlers and others, and the acquisition, disposition or taking of their lands by the United States for its own use and benefits," the commission ruled in 1962. James Anaya, professor at the University of Arizona law school and co- chairman of its Indigenous Peoples Law and Policy program, calls the theory of gradual encroachment a "legal fiction" built on the premise that "if we take land it is ours by right." American law does not treat property rights in this dismissive fashion, except when it comes to American Indians, he says. Without formally hearing arguments on land title, the Indian Claims Commission awarded the Western Shoshone $26 million in 1972 - an amount that valued about 24 million acres of the Indian's Nevada lands at 15 cents per acre. Gold mining operations on those lands have yielded an estimated $26 billion since the Western Shoshones signed their treaty with the government. Outraged, the Western Shoshones refused to take the money that, with interest, now exceeds $140 million. "I believe they (government officials) lied to our people," says Felix Ike, 58, a former chairman of the Te-Moak Tribe based in Elko, Nev., the largest of the Western Shoshone groups. He says he was at meetings in the 1980s when federal officials came out to talk about the Indian Claims Commission settlement and told people "you're not selling your land. We're just going to give you compensation." Fermina Stevens, general manager of the Elko Bandof the Te-Moak tribe, remembers her mother and her grandmother passing down the same story. "We were always told this money was for damage and trespass of the land, not for giving it up." The government argues that it informed the tribes thoroughly about what was involved with the claims settlement process. But a 2002 investigation by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, a group associated with the Organization of American States, concluded that the United States failed to provide the Western Shoshones due process and equal protection under the law in the land dispute. It was the Dann sisters who took the Western Shoshones' case to the international body, part of an ongoing fight they've waged since 1974 when government officials showed up at their ranch one day and said they were trespassing on federal lands by grazing cattle without a permit. "They never showed us the documents how they had taken our land," says Mary, who friends estimate is in her 80s, while guessing that Carrie is in her late 60s or early 70s. The sisters refuse to discuss their age. The Danns protested all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled in 1985 that because the Western Shoshone had received a monetary settlement from the government, they could no longer pursue land claims. "Ridiculous," Carrie says in disgust, noting that the funds sit in a government bank account and the Western Shoshone have never taken one cent. "The earth is our mother and we can't give up our mother. No way in hell," says this silver-haired woman wearing dirt-spattered jeans, taking a drag on her cigarette. To this day, the sisters continue to have confrontations with the Bureau of Land Management, which seized and sold 232 cattle, about half the Danns' herd, a year and a half ago. Many Western Shoshone once supported the Danns, but have grown to see them as intransigent old-timers pursuing a quest so far-fetched it amounts to folly. Ike, the former Te-Moak tribe chairman, is among them. "After the Supreme Court ruled against the Danns, what hope was there? There was no stopping the federal government from doing what it wanted to do. They took the land away from us. It was over." "(The Danns) cry Mother Earth is not for sale. But look around you - who occupies this place? Who runs the railroads and the mines, who operates the ranches? Not indigenous people. Mother Earth has been sold. That's the reality," Ike said. Most Western Shoshone want the money the government is again offering from its proposed settlement - an estimated $20,000 per person, enough to buy a new car or help pay off a mortgage - says Ike, who helped organize a 2002 vote which found that tribal members supported the financial distribution by an 11-to-1 margin. The proposed settlement represents the $26 million the Shoshone never accepted, which has swelled to $140 million with interest. The Danns and others charge the vote was not held according to proper procedures, and have challenged organizers to allow to public recount of the ballots. That hasn't happened. "We Shoshones are sick of this fight the Danns have been carrying on all this time," says Naomi Mason, 74, a Western Shoshone who lives in Owyhee, Nev., on the Idaho border. "It's painful because it goes on and on, like a death that you go on grieving. We need to put closure on it." It's wrong to tie the money to the land issue, insists Amy Spanbauer, deputy chief of staff for Rep. Jim Gibbons, R-Nev., sponsor of the House bill. "There is no explicit ceding of land claims by accepting this distribution. The money is rightfully theirs and a majority of the Western Shoshone want it," she says. All the bill would do, she adds, is give Congress' authorization to distribute the money awarded by the Indian Claims Commission in the 1970s. Congressional approval is required for such distributions. The Western Shoshone should take the money and work with Congress to expand their land base, says a spokeswoman for Sen. Harry Reid, R-Nev. The senator's staff last month held meetings with several tribes in Nevada to discuss returning some federal lands to the Indians for housing and economic development. More than 80 percent of Nevada is owned by the government. As it stands, the tribes have little land to speak of - fewer than 10, 000 acres, according to some estimates, compared with the 62 million acres they once claimed as their homeland. "The fear is once we take money, the (government) is going to say, `We've dealt with you, we don't owe you anything, we don't have any reason to expand your land base,'" says Stevens. The suspicion is that government officials have economic reasons to want clear title to the contested Western Shoshone lands. With unknown amounts of gold still buried in the mountains of northern Nevada, where many tribal members live, and strong prospects for geothermal energy development in the area, there are potentially tens of billions of dollars to be made off the land. Back at the ranch, the Dann sisters have been watching new lights appearing at night on Mount Tenabo rising above Crescent Valley. The mountain is the setting for many Western Shoshone creation stories, the sisters say. It's also part of a proposed 100,000-acre sale of federal lands to Canadian gold mining company Placer Dome Inc. outlined earlier this year in a bill introduced by Gibbons. Enormous amounts of gold are believed to lie in Mount Tenabo, and a new mine has been proposed on that site. Congress has not yet acted on the bill. "All they can see in this land is the value in dollars and cents. They don't see the beauty, the medicinal plants, the rights of the deer and eagle to this land, the spiritual life that is being taken out in the name of gold," says Carrie Dann, with a deep sigh. "That's why I'm mad. ... All my life, it's been a struggle to preserve this land for our people, and I'll never get tired, I'll never stop." --- Copyright c. 2004 Chicago Tribune. Distributed by Knight Ridder/Tribune Information Services. Copyright c. 2004 Macon, GA Telegraph. --------- "RE: History leaves Tribes in Transition" --------- Date: Wed, 7 Jan 2004 08:17:26 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="WARM SPRINGS" http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.oregonlive.com/news/~/1070975053301740.xml History leaves tribes in transition BRENT WALTH The people of Warm Springs have overcome some daunting obstacles. January 7, 2004 In 1855, the U.S. government forced the Wasco and Warm Springs tribes into a treaty that sent them to the current-day reservation, about 6 percent of the 10 million acres they once called home. For centuries, bands of the Wasco and Warm Springs tribes prospered in peace along the Columbia River with salmon at the center of their survival and culture. In 1879, the U.S. government started moving Paiutes to the reservation, even though the plateau tribe was often antagonistic toward others. The three tribes had to find a way to live together despite different languages and cultures. They also had to face federal efforts at assimilation. U.S. government policies took particular aim at Indian children in an effort to stamp out their language and traditions. At Warm Springs, tribal members were forced to attend a boarding school where their traditional braids were chopped off and they were beaten for speaking their native language. The school closed nearly four decades ago, but people speak of the humiliation as if it were yesterday. In the past 40 years, the reservation has been transformed into a modern community, with telephones, electricity, paved roads, a social services network and a medical clinic. Tribal leaders also created a diversified economy that generated $27 million this year and includes a lumber mill, hydroelectric projects on the Deschutes River and the Kah-Nee-Ta High Desert Resort & Casino. Today, the tribes face an economic crisis. Revenue from timber has fallen sharply, and the casino, which is in an isolated location, brings in far less money than others in Indian communities across the United States. Warm Springs, population 3,800, in many ways looks like other small Oregon communities, with an elected government, police, courts and a range of programs and services. Tribal leaders say those institutions are only part of the story. Warm Springs, they say, is still struggling to create a form of government in which laws count for more than personal influence and family connections. "We have moved from a subsistence culture to one that has tried to adapt to a whole new way of life, and not everyone has adapted to the changes in the same way or at the same speed," said Willy Fuentes, the tribes' chief operations officer. "We are still a transitioning people." Many Warm Springs children and teenagers find themselves torn between the traditional and the modern. "I'm still confused about what it means to be Native American," said Pasha Smith, a 2003 Madras High School graduate. "If we still spoke our native tongue, it would give us a better understanding of our culture and our heritage, and that would give people more respect for their own lives and for ourselves." Copyright c. 2004 The Oregonian. --------- "RE: Bear Butte Shooting Range Abandoned" --------- Date: Fri, 9 Jan 2004 19:52:25 -0700 From: "Anna Martinez" Subj: Fw: Bear Butte Shooting Range Abandoned! >To: gars@speakeasy.net ----- Original Message ----- From: Congratulations Defenders!! All the prayers, good work, everything have led to the Sturgis Industrial Expansion Corporation abandoning the idea of building a shooting range near Bear Butte!! Much gratitude is owed to Jim Leach, our attorney, for his volunteerism and excellent work! He called me a short time ago to tell me that the Sturgis Industrial Expansion Corporation filed a motion with the court late this afternoon (Friday) stating that they are abandoning the building of the Shooting Range on the land they purchased near Bear Butte. Thank you to all of you for your prayers, support, and encouragement. This could not have been accomplished without all of us together. It has been almost a year since Defenders first learned about the proposal to build the Shooting Range. We had a prayer gathering in Feb. last year. In order to say an appropriate spiritual thank you (Wopila), we will be planning another prayer gathering and feed at Bear Butte again in February. I will let you all know as soon as I have a chance to get approval of a date from the Rosebud Sioux Tribe. We had our prayers at their lodge last year, and hope to do the same, this time to say thank you. Congratulations Everyone!! Charmaine White Face, Coordinator Defenders of the Black Hills PO Box 2003 Rapid City, SD 57709 =============== http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.rapidcityjournal.com/articles/2004/01/10/news/local/news06.txt Shooting range near Bear Butte canceled By Bill Cissell, Journal Staff Writer January 10, 2004 STURGIS - Sturgis Industrial Expansion won't be building a gun range near Bear Butte north of Sturgis. In documents filed in federal court Friday, the development group and the city of Sturgis asked the court to dismiss lawsuits filed over the location of the shooting range. The proposed $900,000 Black Hills Sportsman's Complex came under fire, and the suits were filed by American Indian tribes and a grassroots group of citizens called the Defenders of the Black Hills. The court documents say Sturgis Industrial Expansion voted at a special meeting Jan. 7 to abandon plans to build the shooting range. The suits was filed by the tribes and the citizens group because they said the range, four miles north of Bear Butte State Park - a religious site for many Indian tribes - would disturb religious ceremonies that take place on Bear Butte. The tribes and the citizens group also claimed that a $825,000 Community Development Block Grant given to the city and turned over to the development group didn't meet federal guidelines. A separate investigation determined that allegation to be true, and the money was returned to the state. Sturgis Mayor Mark Zeigler said that without the federal funds, the scope of the project might change. He said that the city and the development corporation might consider a world-class indoor range. Contact Bill Cissell at 394-8412 or e-mail bill.cissell@rapidcityjournal.com Copyright c. 2004 Rapid City Journal. --------- "RE: Legislators want name restored to Squaw Peak" --------- Date: Sat, 10 Jan 2004 17:15:46 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="PIESTEWA HONOR OR RACIST SLUR?" http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.azcentral.com/news/articles/0110piestewa10.html Legislators want name restored to 'Squaw Peak' Amanda J. Crawford The Arizona Republic January 10, 2004 Just when you learned to pronounce pie-ESS-ta-wah . . . A state legislator wants to replace the panel that changed the name of Squaw Peak to Piestewa Peak with appointees who may be willing to restore the original name. Republicans in the state House of Representatives want to take control of the Arizona State Board on Geographic and Historic Names away from the Governor's Office. Some say Gov. Janet Napolitano unduly influenced last year's decision to honor a fallen soldier, Spc. Lori Piestewa of Tuba City. Even Napolitano says the change was handled badly. Rep. Phil Hanson, R-Peoria, lead sponsor of the bill, said he hopes a board appointed by legislative leaders will rescind the April decision and bring back the name "Squaw." "This should have been a non-political decision, and it was made a total political decision," Hanson said. "This whole thing was a disservice to Lori Piestewa." The bill is co-sponsored by all but one of the 39 House Republicans. Any move to change the peak's name back to Squaw will likely meet with opposition. "We would not be going forward . . . we would be going backward," said Alida Montiel of the Inter Tribal Council of Arizona, which supported the change to Piestewa Peak. "With Piestewa there is common ground among tribes, veterans and a lot of people who feel the word 'squaw' is derogatory." The hullabaloo over Piestewa Peak has yet to subside. A Phoenix advisory board this week was unable to reach a decision about renaming the city's Squaw Peak Recreation Area in light of the adjacent mountain's new name. Supporters say the name change was an appropriate way to honor the Hopi woman who last spring became the first Native American female to die in combat for the United States, while disposing of the name "Squaw," which is seen by some as offensive. But Hanson and other critics question the independence of a board with six of its nine members employed by the state. They accuse Napolitano of steamrolling through the proposal for political gain and pressuring board members into ignoring rules. National guidelines require a person to be dead for five years before a geographic feature is named for him or her. The name change for the Phoenix peak was made by the state board about a month after Piestewa's death but won't be considered at the national level until 2008. "I have not seen such dirty politics in my three years in the Legislature," Hanson said, noting that one board member resigned instead of hearing the proposal and that a Napolitano aide pressured another to quit. The bill would strip the board of any gubernatorial influence by having eight of the nine members appointed by legislators. The remaining appointment would go to the executive director of the Arizona Historical Society. Napolitano's spokeswoman, Jeanine L'Ecuyer, notes that it is "unusual but not unheard of" to have boards appointed by the Legislature. "What the governor has consistently said is, 'Our process was flawed, we made mistakes and it won't happen that way again, but the outcome was exactly the right outcome,' " L'Ecuyer said. House Majority Leader Eddie Farnsworth, R-Gilbert, said he is not supporting the bill to get the Squaw Peak moniker back. Instead, he thinks the change would create "a board with at least some modicum of autonomy." "Piestewa Peak, whether you support the name or not, is always going to have a stain on it because of the process," he added. Board Chairwoman Linda Strock, a Department of Economic Security employee, said board policies and procedures are being reviewed in response to last year's action. She said it is unfortunate that the board's decision to commemorate Piestewa's sacrifice was "overshadowed by the perception of the political events that influenced it." Copyright c. 2004 The Arizona Republic. --------- "RE: Shakopee Dakota, a Culture of Sharing" --------- Date: Sat, 10 Jan 2004 17:15:46 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="SHAKOPEE DAKOTA" http://www.pechanga.net/ http://www.indiancountry.com/?1073669816 Shakopee Dakota - A culture of sharing January 9, 2004 by: David Melmer / Indian Country Today PRIOR LAKE, Minn. - Everyone knows, but not everyone may understand the purpose of giving as a tradition among American Indians. Criticism has been leveled against successful gaming tribes for not sharing their alleged wealth with poorer tribes. But some tribes are doing so without prodding or pressure from political threats. The Shakopee Mdewakanton Sioux Community of Minnesota, has put their excess funds to very good use, and has done so for the most part, in silence. In fact in 2003, it put nearly $8 million dollars into education, health care, infrastructure improvements, economic development and more for tribes in the Great Plains and Great Lakes areas. "The Shakopee Dakota have a cultural tradition of assisting others who are in need," said Tribal Chairman Stanley Crooks. "We recognize that we have a unique opportunity to help Native Americans and, indeed, non-Indians, as well." SMSC had donated $31.5 million to other tribes and local governments and organizations over the past six years; $22.9 million of that since January 2000; and an additional $119 million in loans. A dozen tribes, an additional dozen schools and more than 30 American Indian and charitable organizations have benefited from the generosity of the SMSC. One of the first tribes to be involved, the SMSC has benefited from Indian gaming. Tribal officials are reluctant to give out information about the financial success of their Mystic Lake Casino, Hotel and Resort, and said the donations and philanthropic giving of the tribe is not based on any percentage of profits or gross revenues. "The tribe doesn't gain from the donations. We do not have a policy like Target Corporation, like the 5 percent club. We do not get tax benefits. There is a lot of need out there," said Bill Rudnicki, tribal administrator. Rudnicki said a few years ago Chairman Crooks took him to an event for people that donated to special causes. "He said, `would you ever see anything like that in Indian country?'" "It's sad that a lot of American Indian nonprofits are asked by potential donors if the casino tribes helped them out. I respond by asking if Las Vegas has helped other organizations," said Rudnicki. American Indian nonprofits are awarded only one-sixth of one percent of all philanthropic dollars nationwide, according to the First Nations Development Institute. In many cases there are no strings attached to the generosity of the SMSC. There are exceptions, though; should a group ask for money that is intended for a school or specific project the money must go to the project. The SMSC has been very helpful to the Santee Sioux Tribe of Nebraska. The SMSC actually saved the tribe's fledgling economic development and protected and created jobs. The Santee tribe has received more than $2 million over the past few years after it experienced legal trouble with its casino. A new casino with restaurant and a new fuel station are the result of help from the SMSC. The Yankton Sioux Tribe would have lost a much needed dialyses center when IHS closed its facility when SMSC came to the rescue with $125,000. Rudnicki said the giving is not the result of pressure from outside forces, governments or political pressure. "It's an obligation that comes from the culture, not outside." More than $1 million each has been given to the Bois Forte Band of Ojibwe, the Grand Portage Band of Ojibwe, the Upper Sioux Community and the Lower Sioux Community, all from Minnesota. Economic opportunity donations or loans are not awarded to individuals. Rudnicki said a donation to a school system to rebuild or remodel a school building will benefit more people. Economic development money, like that given to the Empower Zone of Pine Ridge for equipment and to the Santee Sioux Tribe or to Sisseton-Wahpeton will be used to more broadly benefit the people. "We upped the amount of giving each year and we still have to meet the needs of the tribe. There is more need out there," Rudnicki said. He said he has toured the Crow Creek and Santee reservations. What most people see are the good things, but he said he saw the parts of the reservations that show the suffering. The community members are descendants of the Dakota who were removed from Minnesota in 1863 after the conflict with settlers and federal agents. Among their ancestors were many of the 38 who were hanged in Mankato after the conflict came to an end. The Shakopee were sent from Minnesota to Crow Creek, in South Dakota, then to Santee, and some of them returned to their homeland of Minnesota. "We have attained a significant level of self-sufficiency and are very thankful for the ability to help others through our charitable giving program," Crooks said. The Shakopee Mdewakanton Community was federally recognized in 1969. A small community of people lived on 250 acres of traditional land which was purchased in the 1880s. They had dirt roads and like most tribes were very poor. The goal of the tribe from the beginning was to become self- sufficient. The SMSC contributes hundreds of thousands of dollars today to Scott County, Minnesota, and the town of Prior Lake for any services needed for the casino or the community. The tribe readily admits that if it were not for the casino none of the contributions would be possible. "During the last four years, the SMSC has experienced continued growth and development in all areas. "We should all be very proud of the many achievements we as a community have made in this four-year period of time. Since 2000, our tribal economy has shown great strength as our tribal enterprises as a whole continue to earn significant tribal revenues," the business council stated in a prepared statement. The Shakopee are not so naive as to believe that gaming will always be the economic windfall it has been. Rudnicki said the tribe is building a new golf course to draw people from different parts of the country to come and stay in the hotel and enjoy the facilities. Other tribes are also doing much the same thing in developing end destination resorts. As criticism of Indian gaming grows in different parts of the country, the possibility of an end is always on the minds of gaming leaders. Some members of the Minnesota legislature have in the past threatened to legalize slot machines and card gambling at a horse track located just a few miles from Mystic Lake Casino Hotel. Bar owners in the state also argue that video lottery games would help to level the playing field. New construction at Mystic Lake Casino Hotel will make things more convenient for customers with new parking facilities and covered outside areas. No expansion of the casino is planned. Copyright c. 2004 Indian Country Today. --------- "RE: Violent takeover at Kiowa Headquarters alleged" --------- Date: Fri, 9 Jan 2004 08:26:34 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="KIOWA CONFLICT" http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.nativetimes.com/index.asp?action=displayarticle&article_id=3522 Violent takeover at Kiowa headquarters alleged Violent scene described by family of administration CARNEGIE OK Sam Lewin January 8, 2004 For the third time in less than a month, a dissident faction has seized control of a tribal office. A former member of the tribe's business council and his supporters allegedly invaded the Kiowa Tribe, which has been wracked by controversy for months now. Kiowa Vice Chairman Hess Bointy told the Daily Oklahoman that Bill Tsoodle arrived with a small band of supporters at the headquarters early Wednesday and took control of the building. Bointy said Tsoodle is frustrated because he was voted out of office during contentious elections last year. "He wants to be the leader of the tribe," Bointy said. "He feels this is the only way he can be the leader." Reached at home, Bointy's wife, who declined to give her name, described a violent scene Wednesday morning. "Bill Tsoodle was the leader. They hired a bunch of goons who call themselves security and they took over our security. They took over the complex and started shoving people; five of them went to the hospital. They were pushing elders who weren't moving fast enough. They hit [one employee] and hurt his back. Two of the elder leaders were jerked around and pushed," she told the Native American Times. She said Tsoodle was accompanied by Steve Quetone, Debra Shrock Wilson, Joycetta Elliott and she criticized the Bureau of Indian Affairs for not responding. BIA officials in Oklahoma City did not immediately return a phone call seeking comment. Wilson was involved in an election controversy this summer, when it was revealed that she owed the tribe money. Wilson had defeated Kathleen Tiny Cannon in the race for tribal secretary, but under the Kiowa constitution, anyone indebted to the tribe cannot hold public office. Calls to the tribe's headquarters are met with an answering machine. Bointy's wife said Tsoodle is still in control of the building and that he has been known to carry a gun. Tsoodle could not be reached for comment. He does not have a residence listing in the Carnegie area. One woman, who identified herself as Tsoodle's sister-in-law, said this when contacted: "I'm every much ashamed to be Kiowa and I don't appreciate what Bill is doing." The Kickapoo and Ponca tribes saw similar takeovers of their headquarters in the past few weeks. Native American Times is Copyright c. 2003 Oklahoma Indian Times, Inc. --------- "RE: Appeals seek to protect Old Chief Joseph's Grave" --------- Date: Thu, 8 Jan 2004 08:44:55 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="OLD CHIEF JOSEPH'S GRAVE" http://www.indianz.com/News/ http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/local/155759_triballand08.html Tribes challenge development plan THE ASSOCIATED PRESS January 8, 2004 JOSEPH, Ore. - Tribes have filed challenges to a planned upscale development on 62 acres at the foot of the Wallowa Mountains, a region where a band of Nez Perce lived until they were forced out by the U.S. Army 127 years ago. Five appeals have been filed against a development approved conditionally by a county commission on land next to Wallowa Lake in this picturesque community. Three of those appeals were filed by reservations where Nez Perce Indians now live - the Confederated Tribes of the Umatilla Indian Reservation near Pendleton, the Nez Perce Tribe in Lapwai, Idaho, and the Colville Confederated Tribes at Nespelem. The city of Joseph has also filed a challenge, as have three Joseph residents who filed a single appeal. The appeals will be heard by the Wallowa County Board of Commissioners on Tuesday. In December, the county planning commission approved a tentative plan for the development of 11 5-acre homesites on 62 acres bordering an Indian cemetery containing the grave of Old Chief Joseph, a Nez Perce leader who died in 1871. Though a buffer was established between the cemetery and the proposed subdivision, the Nez Perce tribe has identified the entire area as culturally significant. Joe McCormack, a Nez Perce, says the development site's proximity to the lake and to the cemetery make it culturally significant to Indians. "I believe the entire site to be of great significance to our people," said McCormack. The Old Chief Joseph grave site is included in the Nez Perce National Historical Park and is the beginning of a National Historic Trail. Old Chief Joseph was the father of Chief Joseph -- who led the Wallowa band of the Nez Perce out of the Wallowa Valley in 1877 after Army Gen. Oliver Howard threatened to attack if they stayed. Some angry warriors raided nearby settlements. For nearly four months, the Nez Perce and U.S. Army troops fought skirmishes and battles along a 1, 400-mile route now known as the Nez Perce Trail. Young Chief Joseph surrendered in Montana, not far from the Canadian border. Appeals filed against the planned development contend additional studies should be conducted to document the Nez Perce people's continued and future connection to the site. Also, the city of Joseph argues the county was required to conduct a more in-depth archeological study than the one that was done. The city of Joseph had previously denied an application for a larger subdivision. The developers then came back with a plan approved by the county planning commission. Copyright c. 1996-2004 Seattle Post-Intelligencer. --------- "RE: Tribal Wind Power plans" --------- Date: Tue, 6 Jan 2004 08:10:17 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="WIND/ENERGY DEVELOPMENT" http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.idahostatesman.com/News/story.asp?ID=57759 Tribal wind power plans may generate energy development January 6, 2004 PLUMMER - The Coeur d'Alene Tribe's plans for wind power generators on the butte above its headquarters and other alternative energy prospects are laying the groundwork for northern Idaho to become a focus for energy development. "This is a place where a lot of good ideas might come to fruition," tribal spokesman Bob Bostwick said. The Plummer Forest Products mill already converts waste wood to energy that is sold on the open market. The University of Idaho also has expressed interest in conducting research on the possibility of turning wheat and grass stubble into energy. A local plant converted stubble into building products, but it shut down after facing tough price competition from particle board. But with grass burning banned in eastern Washington and limited in Idaho, converting stubble to energy has gained some support. The U.S. Forest Service also is considering its own project, looking for a way to use small-diameter logs thinned from its forests for energy. The state has already identified a site in McCroskey State Park at the southern end of the Coeur d'Alene Indian reservation as a possible wind- power location that could generate enough electricity to power 15,000 homes. And generators atop Plummer Butte, said Gerald Fleischman of the Idaho Energy Division, could produce enough power to run the city, the Benewah Medical Center and Tribal Wellness Center and the tribal casino. "With all these things in one place, perhaps we ought to look at forming a consortium and look at making Plummer a renewable energy center," said Dick Larsen, spokesman for the Department of Water Resources. The department includes the Energy Division. Larsen is working with private industry, public agencies and research groups to develop potential for the products before taking the idea to the tribe. Bostwick, the casino's public relations manager, said the tribe is open to ideas to spur economic development on the reservation. Fleischman said the wind farming projects are in the early stages. It could cost $4.5 million to put two generators on Plummer Butte and up to $50 million to develop a wind farm on the park site to the south. But he said the wind-farming prospects on the reservation are greater than at any other site in northern Idaho. Copyright c. 2004 Idaho Statesman. --------- "RE: Giago to join race for Senate" --------- Date: Sat, 10 Jan 2004 17:15:46 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="GIAGO TO RUN FOR SENATE" http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.argusleader.com/news/Saturdayarticle5.shtml Giago to join race for Senate David Kranz dkranz@argusleader.com January 10,2004 Editor plans run as Democrat National attention may be focused on a race between Senate Minority Leader Tom Daschle and former Rep. John Thune, but both U.S. Senate candidates might have to clear primary hurdles to win their parties' nomination. Tim Giago, an Oglala Lakota and editor/publisher of the Lakota Journal newspaper in Rapid City and the Pueblo Journal in Albuquerque, N.M., said Friday that he will seek the Democratic nomination against Daschle. Last month, Lakota Media Inc., owner of both publications, was sold to the Flandreau Santee Sioux Tribe. "My basic reason for running is that for the past 50 years, the Indian vote on the Indian reservations has been taken for granted in this state," said Giago, 69. Daschle, 56, welcomed Giago to the political arena and spoke positively about him. "I have known Tim for more than 20 years and have respect for him as a community leader and a businessman," Daschle said Friday. "I have applauded his efforts to encourage reconciliation in South Dakota." Daschle said Giago was one of the leaders in encouraging the Gathering and Healing of Nations Conference sponsored by Daschle and Gov. Mike Rounds. "Using my position in the Senate to continue working to improve the quality of life in Indian Country is one of the primary reasons that I am running for re-election," Daschle said in a statement. Thune, 43, a Republican, announced Monday that he will challenge Daschle. But Bert Tollefson, a Watertown native who has been living in Arizona, said late last year that he will run in the Republican primary. Tollefson, 73, also ran in the Republican House primary in 2002, getting 1 percent of the vote. He served as assistant to U.S. Agriculture Secretary Ezra Taft Benson in the Eisenhower administration, as assistant administrator for the U.S. Agency for International Development in the State Department and as U.S. Aid Mission director in Nairobi, Kenya. If Giago and Tollefson get on the ballot, the Senate primaries would be June 1. Giago said a recent speech by Rounds defined what he sees as a problem in the state. "We have a mind-set to see one point of view," Giago said. "Governor Rounds said South Dakota has only 3 percent unemployment, but he totally disregarded the Indian reservations, with some having as high as 75 percent unemployment." Daschle and Sen. Tim Johnson have taken the Native American vote for granted, he said. "There are some things we can do together as people," Giago said, "and if I can talk about where we come from as a people, that is an important step." Giago said he is not running just for the fun of it. He said he intends to beat Daschle and is prepared to debate him. "Senator Daschle has lost a lot of luster in my mind," Giago said. "So many things could have been done to bring things to Rosebud and Pine Ridge (reservations). Why not economic development?" He cited an unsuccessful effort in Kyle to build a mall. "Harvey White Woman has been trying for years to get it. He has got the people interested, but he can't do a simple thing to get it built," Giago said. "They (the congressional delegation) have no good reason why it hasn't been built." Giago said a letter he wrote challenging state government on reconciliation got the ball rolling on that venture of hope in the mid- 1980s. "Reconciliation died with (Gov.) George Mickelson," Giago said. "Getting reconciliation on track would again create an awareness of the problem and a discussion of solutions." A Giago candidacy would be good for the state, said Leonard Eller of Flandreau, chairman of the Santee Sioux Tribe. "Not only would he help Native Americans, he would help everyone," Eller said. "I don't know much about him politically, but he has a lot of experience dealing with the public, and that would be helpful." Herbert Hoover, professor of history at the University of South Dakota, sees it differently. "Nothing surprises me in what Tim Giago does. I think he realizes he doesn't have a chance in the primary. He is just trying to make a statement," Hoover said. "It is strange with all Daschle does for Native Americans. Giago can't win. A primary could give Daschle a chance to show what kind of clout he has." Reach David Kranz at 331-2302. Copyright c. 2003 Argus Leader. All rights reserved --------- "RE: GONZALES: Upstanding Native American Women" --------- Date: Wed, 7 Jan 2004 20:16:15 -0800 (PST) From: MJ La Burt Subj: UPSTANDING NATIVE WOMEN Mailing-List: ndn-aim Editor's note: This is a first-person column by Patrisia Gonzales. http://www.uexpress.com/columnoftheamericas/?uc_full_date=20031107 UPSTANDING NATIVE WOMEN An Indian woman had to die in war for folks to figure out how to honor native women. Lori Piestewa, a Hopi single mother of two, was honored in Arizona this summer as the first Native American female soldier to die in war. But many Native American women died in wars against the Indians, and many are courageously raising their children as single parents as Piestewa did. In her memorial, Aztec dancers participated in recognition that she was also Mexican. Her family wanted all her heritage honored. And the long- standing battle over naming places found victory when Squaw Peak in Phoenix was renamed Piestewa Peak. Native American activist Winona LaDuke notes that the renaming represents the right of Native Americans to take control of their place names and words. LaDuke spoke recently of many native "women of consequence." These are the women fighting nuclear dumping, genetic engineering and other social ills. Many tribes have special names for warriors or those who defend their people in various ways. In indigenous America, "upstanding women" are often in the front of physical confrontations in Bolivia, Ecuador and Chiapas, where they have been raped to bring the male warriors out of cover. Lori Piestewa and Jessica Lynch were roommates at Fort Bliss military base and close friends everywhere else thereafter. Then they (along with 13 members of the U.S. Army's 507th Maintenance Company) were ambushed last March after they took a wrong turn. Lynch, who was hospitalized and cared for by Iraqi doctors and was eventually found by soldiers, emerged as the symbol of American strength and heroism. An African American was also captured. But how many know her name? Now, former POW Shoshana Johnson, who was shot in both legs, is in the news because the army granted her 30 percent disability benefits; Lynch was awarded 80 percent. Lynch became the public hero with book and movie deals, while the women of color (a strong contingent in the military) are footnotes. Piestewa's death will be remembered for changing the "s-word," as many Native Americans call it. Abenaki storyteller and historian Marge Bruchac notes that the word (squaw) is the derivative of an Algonquian word that originally meant woman. However, it became used by white settlers and frontiersman as a profane reference to vagina. Bruchac is a lone voice among Native Americans, arguing that there are occasions when the word should be preserved, such as to recognize the historical memory of a female. The meanings of words change with who has the power to use them, and who has the power to tell the stories. About the time of the peak's renaming, I stopped at a farmer's market in Whittier, Calif. One type of bread caught my eye -- "Frontier Squaw Bread. " I asked the vendor why the bread was called this. "Because it's made from wheat, molasses and cinnamon. It goes down slow, and it's sweet and sticky all over," he replied. I told him that usage was offensive to many native folks. He replied he knew that but no harm was meant by it. I responded, but how you used that word is exactly why it's offensive. Then he started raising his voice in self-justification as he spoke in a tone that sounded like he was feeling unjustly made responsible for history. A lady with teased hair piped in: "It's an old frontier recipe. Well, I've seen it in the history books." Nothing like official California history to justify comfort zones. I asked my mother-in-law not to buy the bread, and I later told her what he said. Since she mostly speaks Spanish, she didn't understand the whole exchange. But, being a woman of consequence herself (having raised seven children), she knew you don't eat bread named that way. I went home fuming, perhaps because of peaks and Tomahawk and Apache bombs that co-opt native names and words (and the stories that will be told) in wars against other peoples. Despite some national coverage, few people knew that Piestewa's father fought in 'Nam and that her grandfather fought in World War II. However, a romanticized and fictionalized account of Jessica Lynch's rescue had saturated the media to boost morale for the war. Piestewa's tale as part of a warrior ethic rooted in native cultural roles, family tradition, as well as patriotism (and economic necessity) will be among those told in a forthcoming documentary on the native warrior ethic by Ojibwe scholar and journalist Patty Loew. Yes, Lynch got a movie. But Piestewa got a mountaintop. COPYRIGHT c. 2003 UNIVERSAL PRESS SYNDICATE --------- "RE: YELLOW BIRD: `Dreamkeepers' new era in NA Films" --------- Date: Wed, 7 Jan 2004 08:17:26 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="DORREEN YELLOW BIRD: DREAMKEEPERS" http://www.grandforks.com/mld/grandforksherald/news/opinion/7641287.htm DORREEN YELLOW BIRD COLUMN: 'DreamKeepers' marks new era in films about Native Americans I don't like and rarely watch two-part films on television because it means I have to be in place in front of the TV the next evening. I also don't like most films about Native Americans. I am squeamish about watching films where all Native people are portrayed as alcoholics who live in poverty. Nor do I appreciate portrayals of holy men that are taken straight from the imagination of writers who know little about medicine men or spiritual people. I watched the two-part "DreamKeepers" last week hoping it would beat the odds on all of those things. I wasn't disappointed. The film won the Best Film award at the 28th Annual American Indian Film Festival in San Francisco in November. It also was a winner in my mind. The film is about young Shane Chasing Horse, a Pine Ridge Lakota Sioux (played by Eddie Spears) and his grandfather, old Pete Chasing Horse (played by August Schellenburg). Sounds too typical, doesn't it? But where the story diverts from the typical is in its setting and the craft with which the movie was made. Those become its great strengths. The setting is Pine Ridge, S.D. The Native community in the film is typical but not awful. The movie doesn't deny there are gangs, poverty and alcoholism; but, unlike many Native American films, the movie doesn't make these the center of the story. They're background. Shane is in trouble with what might be called the "Indian Mafia." He owes them money. His mother strongly suggests that he take his grandpa to the Gathering of Nations powwow in Albuquerque, N.M., where the elder is to tell stories. He is the "DreamKeeper." The young man knows the "Mafia" is after him, so he reluctantly drives that long road in an old, beat-up '66 Ford pickup nicknamed Many Miles With No Muffler. During the trip, his grandfather fills his ear with stories as they chug along that southwestern highway. The Indian Mafia does catch up with them at one point. The grandfather also takes Shane to see his estranged father, who is a reformed alcoholic. A relationship develops between the boy and his father. The film is an "epic odyssey of a Lakota grandfather's final storytelling," says a press release. One thing that's exceptional about this film is that it is filled with Native American actors. Years ago, it was routine to use actors such as Burt Lancaster or Victor Mature, heavily made-up and with black braided wigs, in roles as Native people. They spoke phrases such as, "Me, Indian." "Me want water." That always irritated me because those Native people in the 1800s probably used sign language rather than stilted, single-word phrases. Today there is a long lineup of Native American actors, some nationally known - Michael Horse, Elaine Miles, Gary Farmer, Russell Means, Graham Greene, John Trudell, Nathan Chasing Horse, Rodney Grant, Floyd (Red Crow) Westerman and others. They gave this film an authentic feel and seemed to know their ground. In addition, the stories told by elder Chasing Horse and woven throughout the film were authentic. I knew some of them, as they were told by my grandmother. The stories include the Lakota story of Eagle Boy's vision quest, the Akwesasne Mohawk story titled "Thunder Begins" and a Pawnee story about a woman and her son. The movie also featured coyote and iktomi (red spider) stories that were especially wonderful. I have seen few better portrayals of coyote than in that film. The tales were identified by tribe and by some photographs by Edward Curtis; he was an early 1900s photographer of the West. I don't know if the film will be rerun, but it certainly is worth seeing. I hope that "DreamKeeper" is just the beginning of films of this kind and that they get even better. Films such as this are a good way to break stereotypes and bring understanding in a painless way. ---- Yellow Bird writes columns on Tuesday and Saturday. Reach her at 780-1228, (800) 477-6572 ext. 228 or dyellowbird@gfherald.com. Copyright c. 2004 Grand Forks Herald/Grand Forks, ND. --------- "RE: GIAGO: Gambling erodes Tibal Svereignty" --------- Date: Wed, 7 Jan 2004 08:17:26 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="GIAGO: CHIEFS ON GAMBLING" http://www.projo.com/opinion/~20040107_7ctgiago.2870cf.html Tim Giago: Indian chiefs spoke out -- Gambling erodes tribal sovereignty January 7, 2004 RAPID CITY, S.D. WITHIN THE SPACE of a couple of years, Indian country lost two of its strongest advocates for the rights of the Indian people. Roger Jourdain, former 30-year chairman of the Red Lake Band of Ojibwe, and Wendell Chino, who served more than 30 years as president of the Mescalero Apache and was still chairman when he died, were lifelong friends. There was nothing more entertaining than to be at a meeting with these two great chiefs and listen to them tease each other. Both had quick minds and both could dish it out as well as take it, at least when the gentle ribbing was between the two of them. Of course, since they both had such a long history of working together on Indian issues, both had long memories of the gaffs each had pulled in their long relationship. If one had committed a particularly embarrassing faux pas, it was brought to the table and dissected amid much laughter. Jourdain and Chino were vociferous opponents of the National Indian Gaming Regulatory Act that was introduced in 1987. They were not intrinsically opposed to Indian gaming, but they were opposed to the IGRA itself and the harm, they believed, that it would bring to Indian country. Sixteen years ago, I met with Chino and Jourdain at Bemidji, Minn., in order to listen to their concerns. The Indian Gaming Regulatory Act was about to be passed by Congress, and I didn't have a clue as to its significance. But these two elders, skilled in the ways of their people, knowledgeable about the overreaching of a benevolent Congress, and cautious in the way of those who had learned through life's experiences that laws intended to help Indians had often brought great harm instead, expressed their fear of the IGRA. What were their fears? For one, if the approval of gaming compacts rested solely in the hands of state governments, the lifelong adversaries of the Indian nations, states would then, finally, have a hammer they could hold over the heads of the sovereign nations. Cooperate with us, bend to our guidelines, or there will be no compacts: This was, and still is, the criteria used by states in approaching the signing of gaming compacts. Maine just held an election that precluded Indian gaming there. The Penobscot and Passamaquoddy Nations of Maine have been rejected as prospective Indian gaming tribes. Utah, with its strong Mormon legislature, has stood in the way of Indian gaming from day one. This is just one of the reasons Jourdain and Chino fought the IGRA. Both of these visionaries also feared that the greed for instant money would cause many tribal leaders to succumb to the pressures of state governments and sign away much of their tribal sovereignty in order to open a casino. And they were right. In state after state, Indian nations jumped at the crumbs offered by state governments. After all was said, done and signed, many Indian nations found themselves handcuffed by regulations that took away their ability to be independent. If the state said each tribe within its boundaries could only operate 250 slot machines, regardless of the size of the tribe, tribal leaders still signed on the dotted line. As a result, some tribes with only 250 members have 250 slot machines while neighboring tribes with 20,000 members are still limited to 250 slot machines. What was legal for one tribe in one state was illegal for another tribe in a bordering state. When the newly formed Mashantucket Pequot Tribe in Connecticut opened its Foxwoods Casino, it immediately signed a compact that paid nearly $100 million annually to the state from its slot machine profits. Without consulting any of the much larger Indian nations, the Pequot effectively set a precedent that has held dire consequences for Indian nations across America. States that had ignored the poverty on Indian reservations within their boundaries for more than 100 years suddenly saw dollar signs in Indian gaming. New Mexico, for example, a state that had been one of the strongest opponents of Indian sovereignty, suddenly demanded as much as 16 percent of the profits from the casinos of the Indian nations within its boundaries. New Mexico was so anti-Indian at one time that it took them 22 years to grant citizenship to its indigenous people after the same right was granted by Congress in 1924. The same can be said about Arizona. And yet both of these states are now reaping profits from the highly successful Indian casinos within their boundaries. Chino and Jourdain envisioned all of these things 16 years ago. They knew the Indian people, their strengths and their weaknesses. They knew that if enough pressure was brought to bear and enough dollars waved before their eyes, many tribal leaders would jump on the casino bandwagon without considering the dire consequences of the IGRA. To date, the Bureau of Indian Affairs has shunned its regulatory responsibility and has sided with state governments against the very people it is sworn to protect. The loss of Jourdain and Chino may turn out to be the nail that is driven into the caskets of nations that long considered themselves sovereign. Their loss has too often left us with Indian leaders and nations of sheep. ---- Tim Giago, an Oglala Lakota, is editor and publisher of the Lakota and Pueblo Journals. Copyright c. 2004 The Providence Journal. --------- "RE: OPINION: Return of Sealth's Home hopeful Sign" --------- Date: Thu, 8 Jan 2004 08:44:55 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="SEALTH'S HOME" http://seattlepi.nwsource.com/opinion/155674_sealth08.html Return of Sealth's home hopeful sign By TED GEORGE AND SARAH RUTH VAN GELDER GUEST COLUMNISTS January 8, 2004 During this time when peace on Earth is so hoped for and yet so elusive, there are signs of peace coming from just across the Puget Sound. These signs center on efforts to return the home of one of the region's most famous peacemakers, Chief Sealth, to the Suquamish Tribe. Chief Sealth is known not only for the city named after him but also for his famous words, which have circled the globe inspiring people to consider our interconnectedness with one another and with the natural world. Chief Sealth's home is on Agate Passage, which separates Bainbridge Island from the Kitsap Peninsula. Archaeological evidence shows that people lived on this site for at least 2,000 years. Old Man House, the largest longhouse in the Puget Sound region, built here in the early 1800s, was the winter home for Chief Sealth and hundreds of Suquamish people. The 600-foot-long Old Man House was burned to the ground by the U.S. military in the 1870s in an apparent effort to convince the people to give up their traditional ways of life. The Suquamish people rebuilt a village at this site, then called Old Man House Village, and by 1885, most of the families of the Port Madison Indian Reservation were living there. In 1904, the U.S. War Department, claiming the land was needed for fortifications to protect the Bremerton Navy Yard from foreign attack, took the land from the tribe. The village was dismantled; the church, graveyard, school and the homes of the people were moved and dispersed. The War Department never built any fortifications, and in 1937, the site of Old Man House Village was sold to a private buyer and then subdivided. Washington state purchased a small portion of the former Old Man House site for a state park in 1950. In recent years, the Suquamish Tribe, like many in the region, has been regaining the vision and the skills to promote their agendas, protect their rights and be positive change agents. The tribe is requesting the return of Old Man House Park, not as a hostile takeover but with a commitment to maintain the park as a location of singular historic and cultural importance -- and to continue to keep it open as a park, accessible to all. Opposition from a small group has stalemated past efforts to have the park returned but this time may be different. The state is seeking to reduce the costs associated with some state parks and is looking for other governmental entities to take them over. And this year, the tribe is reaching out to the broader community, working closely with Suquamish Olalla Neighbors, a group of tribal and non-tribal residents committed to peacemaking of the deepest sort -- the sort that aims to right wrongs and build lasting friendships based on mutual respect. Together, the tribe and the broader community prepared a plan for the park based on hundreds of comments received at open meetings, through surveys and emails. Opposition to the tribe has not gone away. Anti-Indian groups from outside the region are joining local opponents in an effort to stop the tribe from regaining the site of Old Man House Park. But many people see the possibility that this small location with a grand natural mosaic can be an oasis, refuge and place for healing for us all. This year is the 100th anniversary of the year the land was taken from the Suquamish people; if the state Parks and Recreation Commission chooses to return this land to the tribe, this could be a year of the most profound kind of peacemaking. ---- Ted George and Sarah Ruth van Gelder are co-founders and co-chairs of Suquamish Olalla Neighbors; www.soneighbors.org George is the Gamble (elder leader) of the S'Klallam tribes. Van Gelder lives on the Port Madison Reservation. Copyright c. 1996-2004 Seattle Post-Intelligencer. --------- "RE: CNN's Novak calls Indians Election Thieves" --------- Date: Fri, 9 Jan 2004 08:26:34 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="NOVAK VOMITS RACISM" http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.rapidcityjournal.com/~/top/news01.txt CNN's Novak under fire for calling American Indians election thieves By Denise Ross, Journal Staff Writer January 9, 2004 Robert Novak, nationally known political commentator, has drawn criticism from all corners of South Dakota for racially charged remarks he made Tuesday on CNN's nationally broadcast program, "Crossfire." "In 2002, (Republican candidate John) Thune would have been elected to the state's other Senate seat, but the election was stolen by stuffing ballot boxes on Indian reservations. Now, Tom Daschle may have to pay for that theft," Novak said in an exchange with Democratic operative James Carville. Carville called the statement "really out there" and said American Indians are "very patriotic Americans." "Has Thune said that the Native Americans are election thieves?" Carville asked. Novak replied, "No, I said it." On Thursday, three people demanded Novak apologize. They are state Democratic Party chairwoman Judy Olson Duhamel of Rapid City, Lower Brule Sioux Tribe Chairman Mike Jandreau and Frank LaMere, treasurer of a political action committee. South Dakota's governor, two U.S. senators, secretary of state, Republican Party chairman and Thune's campaign also issued statements. "I can't conceive of anyone making that debasing statement about anyone in the human race," Olson Duhamel said. "This kind of racist, insulting remark is outrageous. There's just no excuse. I call on John Thune to repudiate that, and I expect other political leaders in both parties to make statements, to join me in demanding an apology." Jandreau and LaMere sent letters to Novak's office. Novak, who is in Iowa, did not respond to a telephone message from the Rapid City Journal. Jandreau took Novak to task for a series of anti-Indian remarks and included an excerpt of a Dec. 13 "Crossfire" transcript in which Novak said, "The Indians, they got the phony Indian votes out there." Jandreau called Novak's accusations "outrageous, offensive and factually wrong." "Our people deserve to have a voice in the democracy you and I both cherish, just like every other American," Jandreau wrote. "When people like you characterize our participation as suspect solely because you may not like the outcome, you undermine the fundamental principle upon which our great republic is built." LaMere said Novak is eager to "paint with a broad brush a whole race of people who want what every American wants, a chance to be heard and a chance to be counted." "Indian people did not stuff ballot boxes on Indian reservations and to even hint at that is insensitive and irresponsible at best and blatantly racist at worst," LaMere, treasurer of the Four Directions political action committee, wrote. Thune's new campaign manager, Dick Wadhams, replied quickly to Olson Duhamel's call for a statement. "Robert Novak's comments were inappropriate and certainly do not reflect John Thune's commitment to work hard for the Native American vote in 2004, " Wadhams said. "The accusation overall is just off the mark." Thune, a three-term Republican congressman, announced Monday that he would challenge Sen. Daschle, a Democrat, in South Dakota's 2004 Senate election. The race will watched by political pundits nationwide, just as they did when Thune lost to incumbent Sen. Tim Johnson, D-S.D., by 524 votes in 2002. Johnson and Daschle each issued statements through staff members. Johnson spokeswoman Julianne Fischer said: "For Bob Novak, a seasoned political commentator, to throw around such allegations is yellow journalism at its worst. Those that say the election was stolen have been proven wrong and are serving up sour grapes over what was a very successful grassroots effort." Daschle spokesman Dan Pfeiffer said, "The false allegations and efforts to intimidate voters on the reservations were a very dark moment in South Dakota politics." Novak's statement alludes to the increased voter turnout on South Dakota's Indian reservations in the 2002 general election and to criminal investigations into some forged and allegedly forged voter registration applications that were detected before the election. Secretary of State Chris Nelson, a Republican, said Thursday that despite Johnson's razor-thin margin of victory and the attempts at fraudulent voter registration, South Dakota's 2002 election was not compromised. "There were no stuffed ballot boxes in South Dakota's 2002 election," Nelson said. "We all know there were attempts at voter registration fraud. I'm confident our county auditors and the law enforcement of this state were able to stop that and that no illegal ballots were cast." Nelson said investigations into some obviously forged voter registration cards could not be resolved. (See related story.) Republican Gov. Mike Rounds focused on the practical political considerations. "I've made it very clear I want to compete for Native American votes. The Democratic Party did a better job than the Republican Party of activating forces on the reservations. Republicans have to work very hard at pointing out our interests at reconciliation," Rounds said. "We've got just as good a shot as the Democrats do in convincing them we have good ideas and ways of improving life on reservations. I think that's what Native Americans are interested in." Asked whether he found Novak's statements offensive, Rounds replied, "I find it ignorant." State GOP Chairman Randy Frederick had stronger words, calling Novak's statements "appalling" and "insane." "There were problems, but they were attributable to one individual. To attempt to tag an entire race is totally out of bounds, uncalled for, discriminatory and shows prejudice," Frederick said. "Voter turnout on reservations went up. That is a good thing." One tribal official who watched Tuesday's broadcast said she fears such charges could change that. "That is slander to the Indian people of South Dakota. I hope it doesn't make the people want to quit voting because of how we get called down for what is our right. I would like an apology," Eileen Janis, finance coordinator for the Oglala Sioux Tribe, said. "He's a sore loser. They should quit crying around." Political activist Mary Ann Bear Heels-McGowan of Pierre said her people have suffered such slurs for generations. "We have been talked about for generations as being the savage heathens, prairie niggers and people that live off the government. We've listened to all of this. We're still walking around. We're survivors," she said. "I think it's a lack of education. He needs to come out here and visit us. I would send him a personal invitation." Contact Denise Ross at 3943-8438 or denise.ross@rapidcityjournal.com Copyright c. 2004 Rapid City Journal. --------- "RE: Akaka Bill could face revision" --------- Date: Tue, 13 Jan 2004 08:38:34 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="NATIVE HAWAIIAN BILL" http://the.honoluluadvertiser.com/article/2004/Jan/12/ln/ln12a.html Akaka bill could face revision, Norton says By Vicki Viotti Advertiser Staff Writer January 12, 2004 U.S. Interior Secretary Gale Norton said yesterday that her staff is reviewing the bill that would give Hawaiians federal recognition in hopes that revisions might avert some of the legal conflicts and other "pitfalls" faced by Native American nations. Norton, taking media questions following remarks to the American Farm Bureau Federation convention in Honolulu, acknowledged that the so-called Akaka bill is the subject of discussions involving Hawai'i's congressional delegation and officials of the U.S. Interior and Justice departments. The latest form of the bill, sponsored by Sen. Daniel Akaka, D-Hawai'i, and known also by the label "S. 344," has passed through the Indian Affairs Committee but has stalled en route to a vote by the full Senate. A week ago, the delegation, in Honolulu for the holiday break, met with Gov. Linda Lingle, Attorney General Mark Bennett and trustees of the Office of Hawaiian Affairs for a status report on the bill. Akaka was not available for comment last week, but U.S. Rep. Ed Case, D- Hawai'i, said "issues are being hashed out" in the effort to get the administration on board. "The goal is to obtain concurrence on 344, to consider any proposed changes by the administration," he said. "The intention is to pass S. 344 through Congress as it was passed out of committee. It may or may not turn out to be that way." Paul Cardus, a spokesman for Akaka, said no specific amendments have been hammered out yet. Some OHA members expressed worry over what the possible changes might include. Trustee Rowena Akana said OHA, which has been lobbying for passage of the bill, should get on record via a state resolution as supporting the legislation as written. Akana said her chief concern is that the revised bill could end up restricting membership in a Hawaiian nation in some way, but Case said no such curtailment is evident. Yesterday, Norton acknowledged that the administration has had concerns about the constitutionality of the bill, but she said her department's focus has been on passing on lessons learned from experience with Native American tribes. "My concern is a practical one," she said. "We deal with our Native American tribes. What we would like to do is help Hawaiians avoid pitfalls that we have seen. "I think it's important for everyone to think through how they want the system to operate when they establish it." For example, she said, the bill needs to clarify specific relationships between the state and the Native Hawaiian governing entity. She said some tribes have run into conflict over land use when there are overlapping tribal and local regulations. Other conflicts have arisen over taxation questions and over whether crimes should be adjudicated by the native entity or the state jurisdiction. Norton, who also yesterday presided over the presentation of honors to volunteers at the Arizona Memorial, spoke to the convention about the need for endangered species legislation that promotes cooperative solutions over litigation. Reach Vicki Viotti at vviotti@honoluluadvertiser.com or 525-8053. Copyright c. 2004 The Honolulu Advertiser, a division of Gannett Co. Inc. --------- "RE: Logging rights fight heats up" --------- Date: Mon, 12 Jan 2004 08:20:47 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="LOGGING RIGHTS" http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.princegeorgecitizen.com/news/20040112/20040112n2.html Logging rights fight heats up by GORDON HOEKSTRA Citizen staff January 12, 2004 First Nations and communities called on the B.C. Liberal government to take back more timber from major forest companies, but B.C. Forests Minister Mike de Jong said it won't happen. At a forestry forum on Saturday organized by Prince George's city council, the Carrier Sekani Tribal Council called on de Jong to take back 50 per cent of the annual logging rights and redistribute it to communities and First Nations, while the B.C. Coalition for Sustainable Forest Solutions said the government should redistribute a majority of tenure to communities and First Nations. Neither are new positions. The B.C. Coalition for Sustainable Forest Solutions unveiled it's suggested forestry changes nearly one year ago. The Northwest Treaty Tribal nations -- of which the Carrier Sekani Tribal Council is a member - - also called on the forests minister 10 months ago to give First Nations in northern B.C. half the allowable logging rights and half of the province's stumpage revenue. De Jong told the forestry forum -- which attracted more than 60 First Nations, community and business leaders to the Civic Centre -- the B.C. Liberal government has already done more than other governments to put more timber in the hands of First Nations and communities. As part of its sweeping forest policy changes, the Liberal government clawed back 20 per cent of the timber harvesting rights of companies holding long-term licences, an unpopular move with the companies. "We are not going to take back 50 per cent of tenure -- it's not going to happen," de Jong told reporters during a break at the forum. "We're moving ahead with the 20 per cent takeback which gives us the tools to create opportunities." Half of the 20 per cent takeback is going to be used to increase the amount of timber sold at auction, with the remaining 10 per cent being split up between First Nations, communities and woodlots. De Jong said in the past year the province has already inked deals with 15 First Nations, including several in northern B.C., to hand over the rights to log four million cubic metres of timber and share in revenues of more than $1 million. He said he expects to sign more deals in the next two weeks. Nak'azdli First Nation chief Leonard Thomas said he's concerned that forest policy changes -- including the ability of companies to shut down mills without penalty and move timber around the province -- simply increase the security and profit of big companies at the expense of smaller communities. Combined with the removal of having to get government approval to merge, Leonard said he fears smaller mills will be shutdown and super mills created. That's bad for small communities like Fort St. James and the First Nations around it, he said. Cliff Stainsby, a spokesman for the B.C. Coalition for Sustainable Forest Solutions, said the government also needs to ensure the public gets good value for timber, which could be done, in part, by creating regional log markets. Mackenzie mayor Tom Briggs said the province needs to ensure the new timber sales program doesn't simply sell off the timber that's easiest to access to get higher prices for the government. Ed Mazur, a pulp mill worker, said he's concerned about logs being allowed to leave communities. Logs moving out of Prince George means less wood chips for the pulp mills which will jeopardize local jobs, he said. Copyright c. 2004 Prince George Citizen . --------- "RE: Chretien can be Subpoenaed" --------- Date: Wed, 7 Jan 2004 08:17:26 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="CHRETIEN/SAMSON FN" http://www.firstperspective.ca/story_2003_12_10_chretien.html Chretien Can Be Subpoenaed, Judge Rules But attempt to force Nault into court rebuffed By Len Kruzenga January 7, 2004 Outgoing Prime Minister Jean Chretien may not be able to slip as quietly into private life as he'd hoped after a federal court judge ruled that the PM can be subpoenaed as a witness in a civil trial involving the Samson Cree First Nation, which is suing the federal government for $1.4 billion. "I am satisfied that Samson First Nation should be permitted to call the present Prime Minister as a witness," Mr. Justice Max Teitelbaum said in his written December 5 -ruling "The Prime Minister, like all other citizens in Canada can be called to give evidence in a trail in Canada provided he has relevant and admissible evidence to give." The ruling is a first, according to Samson Cree band lawyer James O'Reilly, allowing leave to issue a subpoena to force a Canadian prime minister to testify at a trial. O'Reilly says the band is serious in wanting Chretien to testify, but added he didn't know when he would subpoena the prime minister. "We think this is the biggest aboriginal case going on in the country," said O'Reilly. The lawsuit by the Samson Cree alleges that the federal government mishandled the band's oil and gas royalties over the last sixty plus years and deprived the band of securing higher interest on it's funds, which were held in trust by the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs. The trial has already heard from over 50 witnesses in trial that has already nearly stretched a year. Samson Cree Chief Victor Buffalo says his community is challenging the Indian Act and is adamant the PM, who served as minister of Indian and Northern affirms in the 1960s, has crucial information regarding the band's claim. The government has denied it breached its trust position and insists it adhered to its lawful responsibilities to the band. Although Crown lawyers resisted the attempt to have Chretien-named an honorary chief by the band in 1980-subpoenaed, labeling it a political stunt, Justice Teitelbaum disagreed. "The Prime Minister's name appears on numerous documents, that are relevant in the present case; therefore I am satisfied that the present Prime Minister should appear as a witness to relate the relevant facts." However the Federal Court Judge served notice he won't be granting the band's legal team carte blanche with the PM. "I will not permit questions that indicate a party is going on a fishing expedition I will also not permit counsel to engage in a political debate with the witness. Yet the judge confirmed his agreement with the band that Cretin's role as a former INAC minister makes his appearance relevant. "During his time as minister of Indian and Northern affairs trust issues relating to First Nations were being discussed and decided," Judge Teitelbaum wrote. However the court rebuffed an attempt by the band to also supoena current INAC minister Robert Nault. "I am satisfied that the main purpose for calling Minister Nault as a witness would be to engage the minister in a political debate. As I stated, Minister Nault did not become Minister of Indian and Northern Development until well after the present litigation commenced." Copyright c. 2004 First Perspective. FP is published monthly by Taiga Communications Inc. at Brokenhead First Nation, Scanterbury, Manitoba. --------- "RE: Martin to scrap Governance Bill" --------- Date: Fri, 9 Jan 2004 08:26:34 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="GOVERNANCE ACT KILLED" http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.canoe.ca/~/CANOE-wire.Martin-Native-Agenda.html Martin to scrap native bill that sparked protest, focus on social issues January 8, 2004 OTTAWA (CP) - Prime Minister Paul Martin will scrap a despised bill and instead focus on urgent social needs as he reaches out to native voters. The prime minister has signalled that native issues will be a top priority, although tight federal finances may not allow big funding hikes right away. Improving squalid housing conditions, a new clean-water strategy for reserves and the need for more higher education cash are all on Martin's radar. High native unemployment rates and lagging health standards are also expected to merit mention as his government's new course is set in a throne speech on Feb. 2, sources say. But a hugely unpopular piece of legislation won't be resurrected. "C-7 is dead," said a government source close to the legislation who spoke on condition of anonymity. Bill C-7, the proposed First Nations Governance Act, was first introduced under Jean Chretien. The bid to impose electoral and fiscal codes on more than 600 reserves was crafted in haste with little native input, complained chiefs from across Canada. There were angry protests and shouts from the public gallery as demonstrators staked out all-night committee meetings on Parliament Hill. The contentious bill "poisoned" relations with aboriginal people, Martin once said, while leaving the door open to an altered version. Sources now say that won't happen. Instead, Martin is considering expansion of a pilot project that has so far offered a total of $5 million to help eligible First Nations draft their own rules. More than 100 native communities currently are working on election codes, administrative manuals and fiscal standards. Insiders say it's a more collaborative way of better tracking how Indian Affairs spends more than $5 billion a year - 80 per cent of it on programs run by First Nations. More than half of Canada's 700,000 status Indians now live off reserve, many of them pushed to the big cities by poverty back home. Martin has said they have been forgotten for too long. Dwight Dorey, head of the Congress of Aboriginal Peoples, represents 800, 000 off-reserve native and Metis people. "We've got to bring up the quality of life for aboriginal people," he said in an interview. "For people to be able to afford housing they need to address health and social issues." These include drug and alcohol addiction, Dorey said. Phil Fontaine, national chief of the Assembly of First Nations, says decrepit housing on reserves is another top concern. "Right now, First Nations are in nothing less than a housing crisis. In Quebec and Labrador alone there is a need for 7,069 houses within the next five years." Almost half of existing units need repairs, he added. Auditor General Sheila Fraser highlighted the situation in a damning report last spring. Fontaine will be looking for a specific section on aboriginal issues in the throne speech as a signal of Martin's commitment. "Our issues - like our people - are distinct and require their own unique and innovative approaches." Under Chretien - a former Indian Affairs minister who adopted a native child and professed a deep commitment to the plight of Canada's First Nations - the Liberal government repeatedly promised improvements but made little real progress. Copyright c. 2004, CANOE, a division of Netgraphe Inc. --------- "RE: Mohawks claiming 9/11 Health Fallout" --------- Date: Fri, 9 Jan 2004 08:26:34 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="GROUND ZERO HEALTH ISSUES" http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.canada.com/~4433-9c36-31d9796954c7&disp=e&end Mohawks claiming 9/11 health fallout Ironworkers make post-deadline list for Ground Zero fund IRWIN BLOCK The Gazette Thursday, January 08, 2004 On Sept. 11, 2001, Mohawk ironworkers from Kahnawake and Akwesasne didn't think twice before rushing to Ground Zero of the terrorist attacks on the World Trade Centre. Jaysen Mayo, Gary Cook and Kyle Beauvais were among 50 Mohawk men who helped in the search-and-rescue efforts in New York City, never wavering in the face of potential health risks. As it turns out, many developed such symptoms as shortness of breath. But few were aware that medical care and compensation funds had been set up for those who worked at Ground Zero. They weren't aware, either, that Dec. 22 was the deadline for filing claims with the U.S. federal government's Sept. 11 Victim Compensation Fund. Thanks to the action of Darlene Thomas, the alert wife of ironworker Jaysen Mayo, the deadline has been set aside for the Mohawk men, who have been given more time to apply for compensation and care. "I heard about the health problems after reading an article in The Eastern Door on Nov. 14, called The Ills of 9-11," Thomas said yesterday from Kahnawake. However, it took her several weeks to track down the right agency in the United States. On deadline day, Dec. 22, Thomas was referred to a free legal service in New York City and then to Washington, D.C., again. "I then put together a list and sent a fax by midnight with the names of 30 men who worked at Ground Zero. ... A lot of them are ill, and all the ones I spoke to had respiratory problems." On Monday this week, an agency in Washington called back and said the 30 names had been accepted for medical care. The legal-aid lawyer in New York also told Thomas that once she collects an additional 20 names of Ground Zero, she will pressure authorities to add them to the post-deadline list. In Brooklyn, N.Y., ironworker Kyle Beauvais of Kahnawake, said he had "just heard" about the deadline yesterday. "While at Ground Zero, I burned my lungs and was sent to the hospital. I used an acetylene torch to burn through this big Verizon telephone cable. The stuff (fumes) went right through the respirator and right into my lungs. I almost collapsed. "I found out days later that one of the most dangerous, poisonous substances covered this cable. "Now I have shortness of breath." iblock@thegazette.canwest.com Copyright c. 2004 Montreal Gazette. --------- "RE: Zapatistas, w/o Marcos, Trying Peaceful Approach" --------- Date: Thu, 8 Jan 2004 11:10:17 -0600 (CST) From: owner-chiapas95-english@eco.utexas.edu (Chiapas95-english) Subj: Zapatistas,Without Marcos,Trying Peaceful Approach Mailing List: Chiapas95-english This message is forwarded to you by the editors of the Chiapas95 newslists. To contact the editors or to submit material for posting send to: . From: "Dana" Zapatistas, Without Marcos, Trying Peaceful Approach ( ) MEXICO CITY, Dec 30, 2003 (IPS/GIN via COMTEX) -- A decade after the Zapatista guerrillas burst on the scene in southern Mexico, the rebels in the remote mountainous jungle region of Chiapas are no longer demanding rvolutionary change but are seeking to exercise their rights through autonomous local government councils. The Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN) made its first public appearance with an armed uprising - brutally put down by the army - on Jan. 1, 1994, the same day the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) went into effect, linking Mexico, Canada and the United States in a trade accord. Analysts and critics have pointed to the decline of the group's charismatic leader, Subcomandante Marcos, who apparently no longer controls the insurgent organisation that in the mid- to late 1990s staged a number of events that drew wide international attention. After the peace talks with the government stalled in 1996, the Zapatista demands for autonomy and recognition of the rights of indigenous people -- who form a large part of the population of the impoverished state of Chiapas -- dissolved into silence. But last August, the EZLN took a new step, and modified the local governing structures that functioned since 1994 in areas under its influence, creating the "Caracoles" -- a new geographic division and form of de facto autonomy in the 33 Chiapas municipalities under Zapatista control. Thus began a new stage of political struggle for "democracy, freedom and justice" -- goals proclaimed by the EZLN when, in the first minute of 1994, the poorly armed group declared war on the government of then-president Carlos Salinas (1988-1994). Although Chiapas is the poorest state in this country of 100 million, it possesses large reserves of oil and gas. The main lesson provided by the Zapatistas has been one of continuity and survival of a unique movement, said historian Carlos Montemayor, a respected scholar of Mexican armed movements and the author of "War in Paradise", a novel that narrates the extermination of an earlier insurgent group, headed by rural schoolteacher Lucio Cabanas, in the 1970s. The EZLN's ability to survive helped give a new shape to the national debate, catapulting the question of the marginalisation and dire poverty plaguing a majority of Mexico's estimated 10 million ethnic Indians onto the national agenda. The continued existence of the group, which engaged in less than two weeks of fighting with the army in January 1994 before agreeing to an armed truce, also gave a boost to participation by civil society in political and social policy- and decision-making, Montemayor told IPS. The peace talks that had been going on for a year and a half broke down in September 1996, after Congress modified a draft law on indigenous rights that emerged from the San Andres accords on indigenous rights and culture, signed with the government in February 1996. The creation of the Caracoles, one of the EZLN's most ambitious moves, was the group's peaceful response to the government's failure to live up to the San Andres accords. The Caracoles involved the proclamation of autonomy and self-government in 33 Zapatista-controlled municipalities in Chiapas, where the EZLN's own health and education programmes are being implemented. The creation of alternative local power structures in the form of "good government councils" arose from the traditions of indigenous communities in Mexico and other Latin American countries, like Ecuador or Colombia. The councils are a modern-day version of an ancient form of government, said Montemayor. But some political sectors have interpreted the creation of the Caracoles as a challenge to the government of President Vicente Fox and a mockery of the state of law. Montemayor noted that International Labour Organisation convention 169, which has been signed and ratified by Mexico, stipulates that the social, cultural, religious and spiritual customs and practices of indigenous peoples must be respected. That requires the preservation of traditional native institutions that for centuries enabled indigenous communities to conserve their identities and survive in adverse conditions, he said. In 10 years, the EZLN has gone beyond armed struggle and developed its own forms of self-government, said the writer. However, there is no sign that peace talks will be resumed with the government in the immediate future, Montemayor added. After walking out of the peace talks in 1996, the EZLN announced in 1997 that it would not return to the negotiating table until the terms of the San Andres accords were fully met. After Fox, the first president from outside the Institutional Revolutionary Party in 71 years, took office in December 2000, the parliamentary passage of a modified version of the law on indigenous rights in 2001 became one of the main obstacles to the resumption of peace talks. Montemayor said the new law did not reflect the spirit of the San Andres accords and only partially incorporated, in a distorted manner, some of the concepts and rights recognised by ILO convention 169. The law as modified by Congress establishes that it is up to state governments and laws, not federal legislation, to recognise indigenous peoples and communities. In 1996 and 1997, the EZLN held "anti-neoliberalism" international meetings in the jungles of Chiapas, which were attended by prominent global figures like U.S. filmmaker Oliver Stone. According to analysts, the meetings made the Zapatistas the first organisers of the international anti-globalisation movement. The portentously named "inter-galactic conferences" were the direct forerunners of the global wave of protests that began in 1999 with the demonstrations at the World Trade Organisation (WTO) ministerial conference in Seattle, Washington. Although the military maintains a heavy presence in Zapatista areas, paramilitary groups remain active, and there are continued threats of forcing people out of EZLN strongholds like the Montes Azules biosphere reserve, the insurgents are loudly celebrating the 10th anniversary of their first public appearance. The festivities began in November, with the launch of a nationwide campaign to explain the EZLN's thinking and the motives behind the uprising. The group was actually founded more than 20 years ago, in November 1983, by five men and one woman in the heart of the Lacandona jungle in Chiapas. The central event in the celebrations was the presentation of the book "20 and 10, Fire and the Word", by Mexican journalist Gloria Munoz, who describes life in the Zapatista communities and narrates the origins of the movement. Subcomandante Marcos, who from behind his trademark black ski mask seduced much of Mexican society and the international leftist intelligentsia, has said he regrets the attention he received, and has taken a low-profile stance and faded into the background. In fact, he did not even appear in the ceremony for the launch of the Caracoles, and analysts say he no longer controls the movement. But the EZLN's continued survival has failed to bring about any change in the situation of Mexico's indigenous people. The difference, according to the leaders of the rebel group, is that they now have hope and dignity. Official statistics indicate that Chiapas is the state with the third- largest proportion of indigenous people over 15 with no primary school education (39.8 percent), after the northern Chihuahua (40.8) and Guerrero, in the south (45.4). President Fox, who prior to taking office promised to resolve the conflict in Chiapas in "15 minutes", is now trying hard to ignore the whole issue, and says that in Chiapas, "there is peace, and everyone is working, fortunately." Copyright (c) 2003 IPS-Inter Press Service. All Rights Reserved. -- To subscribe to this list send a message containing the words subscribe chiapas95 (or chiapas95-lite, or chiapas95-english, or chiapas95-espanol) to majordomo@eco.utexas.edu. Previous messages are available from http://www.eco.utexas.edu/faculty/Cleaver/chiapas95.html or gopher to Texas, University of Texas at Austin, Department of Economics, Mailing Lists. --------- "RE: Indians in Bolivia hope to create Tribal Nation" --------- Date: Thu, 8 Jan 2004 08:44:55 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="BOLIVA" http://www.indianz.com/News/ http://online.wsj.com/~jeoNmlad3npuua3qGcayEm4%2C00.html Along the Andes, Indians Agitate For Political Gain Radicals Topple Governments, Test U.S. Regional Policy; Rising Clout in Bolivia By JOSE DE CORDOBA Staff Reporter of THE WALL STREET JOURNAL January 8, 2004 LA PAZ, Bolivia - In 1781, rebel Indian armies shook the foundations of the Spanish empire when they laid siege to this city surrounded by snow- capped mountains on the Andean plateau. The siege of La Paz lasted 109 days, reducing the white population to eating rats and boiled shoe leather. A Spanish army eventually broke through and executed Tupak Katari, the leader of the Aymara Indian army. "I will return, and I will be millions," the rebel leader said, according to legend, before he was tied to four horses, drawn and quartered. Two centuries later, the memory of that uprising is haunting the Andean region - and inspiring its native Indian underclass to become powerful political players. Indians make up about 40% of the population of Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia - among the poorest nations in the Western hemisphere - but they have long been politically marginalized and socially shunned. Yet in the past four years, first in Ecuador and now in Bolivia, Indian-led movements have helped topple governments and are bedeviling U.S. policies promoting free markets and the eradication of coca, the prime ingredient in cocaine. Radical Indian movements have become an increasing source of instability in the region. In October, Bolivian President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada fled the country, toppled by Indian-led protesters who laid siege to La Paz. In the country's presidential election in 2002, an Indian candidate placed second with 21% of the vote. Throughout the Andes, the Indian movement is becoming a magnet for radical groups and allying with anti-American leaders such as Hugo Chavez of Venezuela and Cuba's Fidel Castro. The movement is riding a continent-wide backlash against free-market reforms that many believe have further impoverished the poor. The antiglobalization movement has helped local activists gain credibility and political savvy. Rising Indian consciousness - spurred by the heated debates surrounding the 500th anniversary of Columbus' arrival in the Americas in 1992 - is feeding the rediscovery of Indian history, often one that is selectively told. The movement reaches as far south as the tip of Chile, where the Mapuche Indians have become major political players fighting timber companies, and as far north as Mexico, where Zapatista Indian rebels staged a bloody uprising in 1994 and continue to agitate for autonomy. Mass demonstrations in Ecuador by Indians furious with price increases and government corruption were instrumental in toppling President Jamil Mahuad four years ago. Nowhere is the Indian movement as radical or as powerful as in Bolivia, the poorest nation on the continent, where at least six out of every 10 people are Indian. The country's economy has stagnated for the last six years. A succession of corruption scandals has discredited traditional political parties. In September, radical Indian leaders seized upon a dispute over tribal justice to mobilize thousands of protesters. They eventually blocked roads and laid siege to La Paz, much as Tupak Katari did in 1781. One of their leaders was Felipe Quispe, 61, a self-styled Mallku, or chief, of many of Bolivia's more than two million Aymara Indians. The president, Mr. Sanchez de Lozada, fled into exile in the U.S. "History is repeating itself," says Mr. Quispe, his shoulder-length hair streaming out from under a fedora hat. Aymara women in shawls and sun- baked men sit silently chewing coca leaves in his smoky office. Between fielding phone calls from lieutenants, Mr. Quispe, a former guerrilla who now heads Bolivia's powerful peasant union, declares that his goal is nothing less than turning back the clock on history itself. He wants to overthrow the government, do away with the nation-state of Bolivia and return to a past that he believes existed before the Spanish conquest. "Then we can scrap this capitalist system that has failed and change it to a system of communal property where there are no poor and no rich, like during the years of the Inca empire," says Mr. Quispe, drinking coca tea. Indians have been treated as an underclass since the Spanish conquistadors overthrew the Inca empire in the 16th century. During colonial times, all male Indians were forced to supply three years of free labor in Bolivia's Potosi silver mine, then the richest mine in the world. Thousands died there. Independence in 1825 didn't bring much improvement; the Bolivian state's main source of income in the early decades was an "Indian tax" from which whites and people of mixed blood were exempt. Until the 1952 revolution, Indians were considered by many to be almost like chattel. Other governments have tried to redress historic wrongs. During his first term in office from 1993 to 1997, President Sanchez de Lozada pushed for teaching the main Indian languages alongside Spanish in schools and vastly increased the money available to local communities. The emergence of an Indian elite has increased their numbers in government. Nearly half of the country's legislators and mayors are Indians. Big Gulf But a yawning economic and social gulf remains. Households in non-Indian neighborhoods are almost three times as rich as Indian ones, according to United Nations statistics. Hunger for land is a driving force behind dissatisfaction. Many peasants from the hardscrabble highlands are moving east to a fertile swath of land between the Andes and the Amazon forest, often leading to violent clashes with mostly white or mixed-race landowners. Bolivia's Indian movement seeks to recreate in the 21st century a communal Eden that proponents say existed before the Spanish arrived, and where there was neither poverty nor oppression. Fused to this utopian vision is a mix of populist, Marxist, anti-American and antiglobalization beliefs. The movement, says Mr. Quispe, would replace capitalism with an economic system based on three pillars of ancient Aymara society: "Don't be a rat, don't lie, and don't be lazy." It would do away with nation-states such as Bolivia, which Mr. Quispe and his followers see as artificial entities that arose from the foundations of the Spanish empire. In their place they would like to redraw national boundaries to set up an Indian nation run according to traditional customs. Mr. Quispe and other Aymara leaders also defend the extensive growing of coca as Indian tradition, calling U.S. policies to wipe out the crop an attempt to control the Indians. While such declarations seem far-fetched, they are appealing to a good number of Bolivians. U.S. officials are struggling to deal with the movement. "It's like Alice in Wonderland," says one worried U.S. diplomat. In 1988, Mr. Quispe, a leader of a radical political party, penned a manifesto calling on followers to burn down Bolivia's congress. In the 1990s, he spent five years in prison for blowing up power stations in a failed attempt to overthrow the government. He garnered 6% of the vote in the 2002 presidential election; another radical Aymara leader, Evo Morales, placed second with 21%. In September, Mr. Quispe began a hunger strike to protest the jailing of an ally for killing a cattle thief; Mr. Quispe argued that the man had merely been applying tribal justice. The hunger strike spawned a chain of protests and morphed into a national strike against a proposed natural-gas pipeline. Landlocked Bolivia has enormous stores of natural gas, but no easy way to get it out. A consortium of foreign companies led by Spain's Repsol TPF planned to spend $6 billion to build a pipeline and a plant in Chile to convert the gas into liquid form to ship in tankers to the U.S. For Bolivia, the payoff would be enormous: as much as $400 million a year for the next 20 years, or close to a fifth of Bolivia's annual government budget. Radicals attacked the pipeline as the latest foreign attempt to exploit Bolivian workers, drawing parallels to the pillaging of silver and tin mines in past centuries. They didn't want the gas shipped through Chile, a long-resented neighbor. They argued that the natural gas should stay in Bolivia and be piped into individual homes or farms. Mr. Quispe and others assembled an army of Indian slum dwellers, miners, farmers and coca growers to march on La Paz. Army troops killed dozens of protestors in bloody clashes. The spiraling violence pressured Mr. Sanchez de Lozada to resign. The vice president, Carlos Mesa, a respected intellectual and former television news anchor, was sworn in. Grace Period Mr. Quispe and other Indian radical leaders say they are giving Mr. Mesa a few months' grace period to deliver on a wide array of demands. Mr. Mesa has already met with the aggrieved people of El Alto, a sprawling slum city on the main access road to La Paz where dozens were killed in the fighting. There are plans to hold a constitutional convention, which could redraw the country's charter to give Bolivia's Indian groups more autonomy. In a speech Sunday, Mr. Mesa said Bolivia will hold a national referendum in March on how to develop the country's gas reserves. But that may be a moot point. Last month, U.S. power company Sempra Energy, which was going to buy Bolivia's gas, signed a 20-year agreement to buy liquefied natural gas from Indonesia. "We are paying for a large historical bill," said Mr. Mesa in an interview late last year at his ornate office in the presidential palace. "The racist underpinning of Bolivian society is still there, while the possibility of an ethnic confrontation is latent." Some 50 miles north of La Paz, an Aymara nation of sorts is beginning to take shape in the provincial capital of Achacachi, Mr. Quispe's political stronghold. There haven't been any police or federal prosecutors living here since 2000, when the local people drove out all federal authorities in fighting which left three townspeople and a soldier dead. "The police left, but I tell you, who needs them?" says Pedro Carisaya, the acting mayor. Now, village councils detain culprits in crime cases and mete out justice. Punishments are in the form of paying damages to the victim or, in some cases, a whipping. Down the street from the mayor's office works Alberto Romay, a nervous prosecutor in a worn tweed jacket. Four years ago, he left town fearing for his life. These days, he commutes daily from a nearby village. "Everything is excellently normal," he says cheerfully, then quickly reverses himself: "There's always fear." A block away, the members of the local dairy farmers' association know fear. Believing they would be a target for protestors because of their perceived wealth, they took down the sign identifying the association when the disturbances began in September. They reluctantly stopped shipping milk to La Paz in support of the siege even though it cost them 8,000 liters of milk a day. "There's no law here," says Robert Gonzalez, a local veterinarian, standing in the association's spare office. "You can die like an animal and no one will care." Mr. Quispe might rule the high plateau, but Evo Morales, 44, holds sway in the lush semitropical coca-growing region of the Chapare, 250 miles southeast of La Paz. The baby-faced Aymara politician heads the powerful coca-growers' union. Between 1998 and 2001, the Bolivian government, under heavy U.S. pressure, eradicated nearly half of the country's coca crop. That created thousands of disaffected farmers loyal to Mr. Morales, who is now a federal congressman who placed second in last year's presidential election. Mr. Morales has close ties to Venezuela's fiery leftist leader, Hugo Chavez. Fidel Castro has also been welcoming Indian leaders. At a congress in Havana in October, Mr. Morales urged Latin countries to join together and oppose free trade. For now, Bolivia is quiet. But emigration abroad is a constant subject of conversation in La Paz's southern suburbs, home to the city's small middle and upper classes. Many residents expect protests to resume this year, with Mr. Quispe as a prominent instigator and inspiration. In the bare El Alto offices of the Aymara Educational Council, an organization that promotes Aymara culture, a dozen Indian intellectuals recently met to consider the next step in what they see as continuing revolution. "Don Felipe is the only leader who has returned the Aymara our pride," says Walter Gutierrez, the council's president, referring to Mr. Quispe with a traditional title of respect. "He told the whites, 'We are the owners of the country, and you are renting it from us.'" Write to Jose De Cordoba at jose.decordoba@wsj.com Copyright c. 2004 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. --------- "RE: Tribal youth found Dead in Snow" --------- Date: Thu, 8 Jan 2004 08:44:55 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="WARM SPRINGS DEATH" http://www.madraspioneer.com/MAPNews4.html Tribal youth found dead in snow January 8, 2004 A 17-year-old Warm Springs tribal member, Sidney Greene, was found dead in the residential area of Greely Heights in Warm Springs on Saturday. According to investigating officers with the Warm Springs Police Department, the youth was last seen on Jan. 1, at 1:15 a.m., when he left a local residence. His body was discovered by his 17-year-old girlfriend around 2 p.m Jan. 3. The case is under investigation by the Warm Springs Police Department. An autopsy will be performed to determine cause of death. His body was transported to Bel-Air Colonial Funeral Home in Madras. Copyright c. 2004 The Madras Pioneer. --------- "RE: Former BIA Employee resentenced for Fatal DWI" --------- Date: Wed, 7 Jan 2004 08:17:26 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="DWI DRIVER RESENTENCED" http://www.indianz.com/ http://www.journalstar.com/latest_reg.php?story_id=112246 Former BIA employee resentenced for fatal DWI crash January 7, 2004 ALBUQUERQUE (AP) - A former Bureau of Indian Affairs employee who killed two Nebraska couples in a drunken driving crash on Interstate 40 two years ago was resentenced Tuesday to 20 years in prison, the same sentence he'd received earlier. U.S. District Judge C. LeRoy Hansen had to resentence Lloyd Larson of Crownpoint because the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals struck down Larson's original sentence in October. Larson had agreed to plead guilty to four counts of second-degree murder in the Jan. 25, 2002, crash. Hansen imposed a harsher sentence than expected - and did so without allowing time for Larson's lawyer to prepare for it. Larson's attorney learned of the stiffer sentence the evening before the original sentencing. He appealed, saying Hansen didn't give reasonable notice that he was going beyond federal sentencing guidelines. The appellate court ruled that the lack of reasonable notification violated procedures and required a hearing and a resentencing. Before sentencing Larson again, Hansen noted Larson passed 37 cars in the two miles that state police followed and videotaped him after spotting him driving the wrong way on the interstate. The judge said one mile was not videotaped, which could have meant many other people's lives were in danger. "Alcohol has caused many, many deaths, violent deaths on Indian land, and these are four more," Hansen said. "It's alcohol." Larson was driving on I-40 west on Laguna Pueblo land when the head-on collision occurred, killing Larry and Rita Beller of Lindsay, Neb., and Edward and Alice Ramaekers of Norfolk, Neb. Authorities said Larson had a blood-alcohol level of 0.205, more than double the legal limit, two hours after the crash. He later admitted drinking 11 beers before getting behind the wheel of his government truck. Hansen also ordered Larson to pay more than $82,900 in restitution, the same as in the original sentence. He also sentenced Larson to five years on probation and forbid him to drive while on probation. He said Larson should refrain from drinking and should not frequent places where alcohol is the primary item for sale. The initial plea deal and a presentence report called for Larson to get a 14- to 17 1/2-year term. Hansen originally ruled a longer sentence was deserved because Larson seriously endangered the public by driving the wrong way before the crash. In reaffirming the sentence, Hansen cited Larson's prior drunken driving arrests and convictions as well as the danger to the public. "This was an enormous case. It took the lives of four people and it could have taken the lives of many more," he said. Hansen rejected arguments by Larson's attorney, Alonzo Padilla, that sentencing guidelines for second-degree murder already took into account Larson's prior arrests and putting other people's lives in danger. Padilla, said he isn't sure whether he will appeal the latest sentence. He added that the outcome is unlikely to change with another appeal. Padilla said Larson apologizes to the families and wishes he could have died that day if it meant the victims would have survived. Several members of Larson's family were in the courtroom as well as Larry Beller's brother, Jim Beller, and his wife Mary. Jim Beller told the court: "Not only did the defendant murder a member of my family, he stole my brother, my mentor and my confidante." Other members of the Beller family were unable to make the hearing because of a problem with their flight in Omaha. The prosecutor said their plane was getting ready to take off when one of the engines failed, and the family could not find another flight that would get to Albuquerque in time. Copyright c. 2003, Lincoln Journal Star. All rights reserved. --------- "RE: Peltier on Janklow conviction" --------- Date: Wed, 7 Jan 2004 08:17:26 -0700 From: Gary Smith Subj: NA News Item - - - - - - -- - - - - - - filename="PELTIER ON JANKLOW" http://www.owlstar.com/dailyheadlines.htm http://www.nativetimes.com/~article_id=3507 Peltier on Janklow conviction "It does not change the terrible conditions that my people face daily." BISMARK SD Sam Lewin January 6, 2004 Convicted Indian activist Leonard Peltier said he would not revel in former Congressman Bill Janklow's legal troubles. In a letter to The Call, a newspaper published by Louis Farrakhan's Nation of Islam organization, Peltier said "I could revel in the conviction of Janklow; however, it does not change the terrible conditions that my people face daily." The letter was apparently mailed in mid Decem